By Isabel Alfonso Anton, Professor of Arabic Hugh Kennedy, Julio Escalona Monge
This quantity provides a range of papers exploring the methods through which medieval powers sought to legitimize themselves, the political discourses wherein this used to be effected, and a variety of similar difficulties. The six chapters partly I examine specific circumstances within which strategies of legitimation should be visible at paintings, so as to disentangle the wide variety of options and assets deployed via competing actors in a given context. half II gathers 5 articles discussing the explicit discourses of legitimation contained in a textual content or crew of comparable texts, as a way to disclose their intricacies and their relating the best way historians examine their resources. The publication purports to be of relevance for readers drawn to new methods of coming near near the background of strength. With contributions through Frances Andrews, Carlos Estepa, Paul Fouracre, Chris Given-Wilson, Piotr G?recki, Patrick Henriet, Jos? Antonio Jara Fuente, Cristina Jular P?rez-Alfaro and Stephen D. White.
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Additional resources for Building Legitimacy: Political Discourses and Forms of Legitimacy in Medieval Societies (Medieval Mediterranean)
15. 25 Ebroin then ruled vigorously for several more years until he was in his turn murdered in 680. Although the conﬂict in these years raged across the diﬀerent regions of Francia, it was clearly about control of the centre, which meant domination of king and palace, as the source of the power to issue binding commands throughout the kingdom. It was thus vital for a faction to have a king in order to legitimate their claim to power, and it was also necessary to have king in order to raise a large army.
It would be at this point that the Merovingian kings really would be pushed into the background, and used simply for their name. We see a sign of this development in the Passio Leudegarii. Although the author saw power in terms of a ‘right’ which was legally constituted, he also saw God as the ultimate judge of who should hold power. And God judged according to how power was exercised. Both King Childeric and the mayor Ebroin exercised power without justice, and God sanctioned their assassinations.
Note that Charles Martel did exactly the same by raising Clothar IV to the throne in 717–718, see Fouracre (2000b) 69. 26 , 15 was when they refused to do this that conﬂict was likely to break out. In this sense, by enabling a balance of power to be re-established, conﬂict helped to reinforce that legitimation which derived from an acceptance of royal authority that was mediated through the palace, and upheld by magnates in the provinces. On the other hand, it was conﬂict which had given legitimate power to the victors, and prolonged conﬂict in the next generation would make victory itself the main justiﬁcation for the holding of power.
Building Legitimacy: Political Discourses and Forms of Legitimacy in Medieval Societies (Medieval Mediterranean) by Isabel Alfonso Anton, Professor of Arabic Hugh Kennedy, Julio Escalona Monge