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How is it possible for Palestinians and Indians, who have experienced the violent consequences of being read "intratextually" as Canaanites, 57 to turn round and read themselves in some kind of continuity with "Israelites"? Clearly, this is an important hermeneutical dispute, and it will surely be a matter of priority to examine the whole range of biblical theologies of land 58 and whether, or how, they should figure in the research programmes of Aboriginal cultural studies. This is just one of the questions for those of us who are struggling with the implications of multicultural politics for the discipline of biblical studies.

Campbell posits a northern prophetic record as the main base, dating to the reign of Jehu in the late 9th cent, BCE {Of Kings and Prophets: A Ninth Century Document (1 Samuel 1-2 Kings 10) [CBQMS, 17; Washington DC: Catholic Biblical Association, 1986]). ca. 600, 6 or pre-515 BCE,7 depending on one's preference for dating the Deuteronomistic History. All dates are removed from the events they recreate by hundreds of years and reflect the world view of a monarchic society, either at the level of state or empire.

Martin Noth's theory that the minor judges stem from a list of supratribal judicial functionaries in the premonarchic period has not prevailed in the face of literary or historical investigations. 9 T h e minor judges seem rather to play the specific literary function of marking the passage of time within the schematized era of the judges, appearing in the incremental pattern l - 2 3 . 1 0 ‫ ־‬Their stories may either have been presumed to have been known by the ancient audience, precluding the need to retell them fully, or they may have been obscure figures, like many of the so-called major judges prior to their development at the hands of the author of Judges.

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