Download Asymmetries in the Phonology of Miogliola by Mirco Ghini PDF

By Mirco Ghini

ISBN-10: 3110170906

ISBN-13: 9783110170900

Drawing on a twin services of infrequent depth, Mirco Ghini's booklet is an enormous contribution to either Romance dialectology and phonological thought. It provides a accomplished account of the segmental and metrical phonology of the Ligurian dialect of the village of Miogliola, North-west Italy. in accordance with the author's personal fieldwork, it's the first in-depth research of this sector, additionally tracing its improvement from Latin. function task, underspecification, and volume alternations are such a lot favourite one of the normal theoretical concerns on which the details of Miogliola phonology, meticuously analysed, are delivered to endure with beauty and strength.

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Additional info for Asymmetries in the Phonology of Miogliola

Example text

In such an inventory, the unmarked feature [Coronal] is activated and appears for both /t/ and A [Coronal]-dependent feature, then, derives the contrast between /t/ and l\l (Avery and Rice 1989: 183-184). In the framework assumed here, l \ j has both [Coronal] and [Posterior] underlyingly, whereas III only [Coronal]. Note that under the Node Activation Condition, and under the assumption that [Strident] is ranked higher than place of articulation features in the ranking required by the Continuous Dichotomy Hypothesis (15), if stridents have anterior and posterior realizations, it falls out that all of them are marked for [Coronal] even if [Strident] is not a dependent of [Coronal] (see (11)).

Segment structure I assume that phonemes consist of HIERARCHICALLY ORGANIZED, MONOVALENT features, and that they are UNDERSPECIFIED for distinctive features. These assumptions are examined in more detail in what follows. 1. Feature Geometry Following Clements (1985), Sagey (1986), Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1986), McCarthy (1988), Avery and Rice (1989), Rice and Avery (1990,1991), and Lahiri and Evers (1991), I assume that segments are not an unordered set of features; rather, they have internal hierarchical structure.

These assumptions are examined in more detail in what follows. 1. Feature Geometry Following Clements (1985), Sagey (1986), Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1986), McCarthy (1988), Avery and Rice (1989), Rice and Avery (1990,1991), and Lahiri and Evers (1991), I assume that segments are not an unordered set of features; rather, they have internal hierarchical structure. This structure is universal in nature. The model I adopt is shown in (11). Only the features relevant to this work are shown in the tree.

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Asymmetries in the Phonology of Miogliola by Mirco Ghini


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