By Paul Valéry
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Primitive cash: In its Ethnological, old and financial points: moment version, Revised and Enlarged offers with the learn of the function of cash some time past and in chosen areas of the area. this feature is split into 3 sections, precise as e-book I, e-book II, and booklet III.
Book I discusses the ethnology of cash extending again to greater than 5,000 years in the past, to the darkish age whilst no longer a lot written proof existed, and to brand new a number of groups scattered worldwide. The textual content covers the areas of Oceania, Asia, Africa, and the Americas. publication II seems into the old point of cash, from the traditional interval comprising prehistoric currencies reminiscent of instruments and embellishes, to the Medieval interval, after which to fashionable occasions. publication III is the theoretical part that makes an attempt to outline primitive cash, its capabilities, and its perceived price. This publication applies whatever sleek whilst it discusses primitive financial coverage, equivalent to lively and passive attitudes of the country, restrictionist coverage, stabilizationist coverage, and expansionist financial coverage. This part additionally discusses the philosophy of primitive cash, and its financial and old roles. The swap from primitive to trendy funds is tested, and the long run clients akin to the continuance or redemption of primitive funds is mentioned.
Anthropologists, sociologists, economists, historians, scholars and academicians doing sociological examine, or even businessmen and industrialists can take advantage of analyzing this article.
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One could not work cooperatively while the other worked alone. If either subject chose to work alone, the other subject also had to work alone. Setting Characteristics and Procedures All experiments used a setting defined by the cooperative and individual alternatives. In addition, these experi- 26 II. METHODS: MEASUREMENT AND EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN ments employed procedures which followed a common logic. In each experiment a comprehensive training sequence was followed by a procedure in which the behavior of each pair was studied both in the presence and in the absence of a condition potentially disruptive of cooperation.
A more common alternative to cooperation in most situations is probably individual effort—working alone. For most persons, the market for their efforts is larger than the amount they produce. Thus, the scarcity of rewards which leads to competition is relatively infrequent. As Margaret Mead noted in her cross-cultural research on cooperation, We found it necessary to emphasize that the terms cooperative and competitive were not opposite, as they are so loosely used in popular speech. T o make our analysis complete we had to have a third category which we called individualistic behavior, that is, behavior in which the individual strives toward his goal without reference to others [Mead, 1937, p.
Thus, when the two subjects were cooperating, they were receiving unequal amounts for the same work, but more than they could by working alone. When working alone, both subjects received equal amounts, which were less than they could earn by working together. T h e major dependent variable was the proportion of responses which were cooperative under these conditions. Since all subjects preferred more money to less and worked on the cooperative task prior to the introduction of unequal—and hence inequitable—rewards, any work on the individual task reflected an economically "irrational" response to inequity.
Amphion by Paul Valéry